2. The Collection of the Linguistic Data

2.1. The Questionnaire and the Interviews

            The linguistic data was collected by fieldwork carried out by myself. For this purpose I used the questionnaire designed by Peter Wright1 as a basis and added ten questions from Willy Elmer's questionnaire. I also omitted six questions from the original questionnaire by Wright which had already been dropped by Elmer.2 The questions, which are primarily concerned with vocabulary,3 inquire about traditional fishing gear and techniques, the parts of a small rowing-boat, natural features and phenomena, and the names for different kinds of fish.

            The three types of questions which were used are the naming type which usually begins with what do you call...4, the completing type, e.g. to get the mussel out of its shell, you have to... which is completed by the informant with his word for open it, and the talking question, e.g. what types of fishing boats are used here which aims at getting the informant to talk freely about a certain subject.5

            In this study the collected linguistic data has to be strictly comparable in order to draw conclusions about the linguistic variations between the fishing communities on the south-east coast of Scotland. Hence, the questionnaire is an indispensable necessity, as all informants can be confronted with the same standardized questions,6 and a comparison of the answers therefore poses no great difficulty.7 A further advantage is the possibility of collecting firsthand material within a relatively short time span. This might sound trivial, but time usually is a vital factor as the fieldworker can rarely spend several days or even weeks in the same community if a whole network of communities has to be investigated.

             The main disadvantage of a standardized interview using a questionnaire is the difficulty of establishing a natural relationship between the fieldworker and the informant. As the fieldworker cannot vary his questions, it usually proves difficult for him to adapt himself to the individual situations and the individual informant. The non-standardized interview,8 where the fieldworker has no standard set of questions at hand, is certainly superior in this situation. However, time and the necessity of obtaining strictly comparable material did not permit a non-standardized approach9 in the interviews conducted for this study.

            The standardized interview does not necessarily need to be sterile or unnatural and thus inhibit the informant. It is the skill of the fieldworker who conducts the interview to keep the situation as informal and natural as possible.10 The interviews which were conducted for the present study usually started with introductory talks about the informants as well as myself. I thus told the informants about the purpose of the interview, namely that of studying the language of fishermen and its background.11 Questions about the local fishery and general questions about fishing followed. During this initial stage of the interview, inhibitions or suspicions about myself, the stranger, were gradually dispelled, and a conversational tone could be established. The subsequent answering of the questionnaire usually developed naturally. This was also due to the nature of the questionnaire which started with a talking question about the local types of boats and continued with questions about the various parts of a small rowing-boat. This roused the interest of the fishermen as it was a field they were familiar with. Questions about the fishing experience of the informants were often slipped into the conversation, and thus they usually started to speak naturally, encouraged by the interest taken in their subject. These questions also aimed at establishing the master-pupil relationship, with me being the pupil and the informant being the master.12

            A problem which did occur, however, was the paradox of me asking a question in Standard English (StE) and expecting the informants to answer in the vernacular. One way I tried to avoid the impression that I might be asking for a StE expression,13 was the slight change of the naming type question what do you call... into what is your local word for..., which I regarded as a legitimate action which would not obstruct the comparability of the answers. Sometimes the informants gave several answers among which one was usually referred to as the "local" word. This was usually also the one which was finally taken as an answer. Nonetheless, a translation from StE into the local vernacular of the object or phenomenon in question, was only considered as a very last option. It might otherwise have undermined a spontaneous and natural answer. Where it could not be avoided, it will always be explicitely indicated in the presentation of the answers.

            The formal aspects of the interview were further reduced by the fact that the informants were all interviewed in surroundings in which they felt at home and at ease. Most of the interviews were conducted in the harbour - directly on the pier, or inside a shed. Some informants were also interviewed at home. The interviews took place from October 9th to 29th, 1995. They lasted about an hour each. A dictating-machine was used to record each interview.

2.2. The Informants

            A few words remain to be said about the choice of informants which is of major importance in an empirical study which aims to elicit representative material.14 The difficulty lies in finding the ideal informant who can serve as a representative for a larger group and thus make the questioning of everybody else belonging to this group unnecessary.

The conditions which the ideal informant had to fulfil for the present linguistic study result from the considerations set out in chapter 1.1. In order to reduce the social and occupational variables to a minimum and maintain a stable and conservative background against which regional variations of the vernacular can be shown, the informants were chosen according to the lines of traditional linguistic geography.15 The main difference was that the targeted group were fishermen instead of farmers. Thus, the informants who were to be chosen had to be older than sixty, they would have had to live in the same community all their lives (except during the Second World War), and they had to be fishermen, working (or having at some time worked) with the fishing instruments and having employed the techniques about which inquiry was made. The choice of older informants was also an absolute necessity, as the questions were all concerned with the traditional type of inshore fishing with which younger fishermen were not familiar.

            All in all, 16 informants were finally chosen as representative and were included in the study. They were distributed between eleven fishing villages along the coast, chosen with respect to an even geographic distribution. Sometimes two or three informants from one community were included. This was either because of the size of the particular community and its fishery, where it was felt that a further informant was needed to represent a number of fishermen which was larger in relation to the other communities,16 or simply because there were fishermen about who fulfilled the conditions of being representative informants, and were at the same time willing to answer questions.17 It would have been a shame to have missed this opportunity, as it was not always easy to find suitable informants. However, most of the fishermen were very co-operative, and if they did not fulfil the required criteria themselves because they were too young or were not familiar with the traditional type of inshore fishing, they could mostly inform me of some fisherman who would be the type I was looking for.

            The informants were usually chosen after they had been recommended to me by people working in the harbour. Sometimes these people were fishermen themselves who proved to be suitable informants and were consequently interviewed on the spot. The following table of the 16 informants who were finally selected contains the age of the informant, his place of residence, which also is the place of birth if not otherwise indicated, the kind of fishing or occupation the informant is presently employed in, and the kind of fishing in which he is experienced. The Roman numerals in the left column are used throughout this study to represent the informants.

Table of Informants

Place of Residence Age Present Occupation Fishing Experience
I Burnmouth 78 retired creels, line fishing, seine-net, trawling
II St. Abbs 68 retired creels, line fishing, seine-net, trawling
III Dunbar 60 trawling creels, seine-net, trawling
IV North Berwick 68 harbour master creels, line fishing
V North Berwick 76 fishing with creels creels, line fishing, drift-net
VI Port Seton 75 harbour master line fishing, seine-net, trawling
VII Kinghorn 70 fishing with creels creels, line fishing
VIII Pittenweem 77 fishing with creels creels, line fishing, trawling
IX18 Pittenweem 62 harbour master line fishing, trawling
X Anstruther 73 retired line fishing, seine-net, trawling
XI Crail 64 fishing with creels creels, line fishing, seine-net
XII19 Crail 67 retired line fishing, seine-net, trawling
XIII Crail 65 fishing with creels line fishing, creels, trawling
XIV West Haven 72 retired creels, line fishing, drift-net
XV Gourdon 74 retired creels, line fishing, drift-net, seine-net
XVI Gourdon 65 retired creels, line fishing
 

[1]                 Wright 1964; cf. also chapter 1.1.

[2]                 Questions 16, 19, 28, 42, 54, 67 in Wright's questionnaire.  The questionnaire which was finally used for this study can be found in appendix I.

[3]                 Although ten questions of the questionnaire had originally (in Wright's questionnaire) been included for their phonological importance (questions 12, 16, 17, 23, 30, 31, 35, 44, 68, 69), time and space did not permit the detailed discussion of phonological aspects for the present study. Phonological peculiarities will only be included if they are necessary to enable an adequate understanding of the answers, or if there are considerable phonological differences for the same word.

[4]              This type of question was either followed by a description of the object or phenomenon asked about, or by this - in which case a picture or a drawing was shown, and the informant could identify the object in question.

[5]              The names and definitions for these different types of questions are taken from the SED (Orton, p.45).

[6]              On the standardized interview, cf. Viereck, p.8. The strict comparability of the collected material when using a standardized questionnaire is also stressed in the SED (Orton 1962, p.45).

[7]              The data of this study can also be compared with that of Elmer's study as the questionnaire used by Elmer was, on the whole, the same as the one employed for the present investigation.

[8]              On the non-standardized interview, cf. Viereck, p.9.

[9]              This kind of approach was employed by Paul Wettstein (Wettstein 1942, p.VII ff). He spent 16 months in the area of his investigation (Berwickshire) and called the method he employed the direct one. No questionnaire at all was used, and his material was exclusively gathered from everyday conversations.

[10]             This has also been pointed out in the SED: "there is an art in asking the questions in a lively and sympathetic way." (Orton 1962, p.46).

[11]             Cf. Wright 1974. An honest explanation of the purpose of the interview was considered necessary by Wright to avoid being mistaken for a journalist, a salesman, or whatever may cause resentment. I also had the impression that an open statement about the intent of the interview did not inhibit the informant but rather roused his interest and his willingness to answer questions and talk about the fishing.

[12]             Cf. Orton 1962, p.17. This kind of relationship was regarded as being of great importance in gaining the confidence of the informant. Cf. also Wright 1974, p.191 and Brook 1972, p. 150.

[13]             It has been recognized that dialect speakers of Scots are usually bilingual and speak Scots dialect as well as standard Scottish English (StScE) (Mather/Speitel 1968, p.531).

[14]             Cf. Viereck, p.10 ff.

[15]             Cf. Orton 1962, p. 14 ff. Cf. also chapter 1.1.

[16]             This applies especially to the East Neuk of Fife.

[17]             This was the case in Gourdon, North Berwick and Crail.

[18]             Informant IX was "assisted" in the questions about the terminology for various parts of the crab pot (questions 61-65) by an experienced "creel fisherman" who was present when the interview was conducted.

[19]             Informant XII was born in St. Monans and moved to Crail at the age of five. He fished from the harbour in Pittenweem.


Contents Home Next