1. Introduction

1.1. The Potential of Fishermen's Dialect for a Study in Linguistic Geography

            Traditional linguistic geograghy, which is mainly concerned with the geographical distribution of regional dialect features, has usually relied on the speech of the rural population, i.e. farmers and coutrymen, for its purposes. The Linguistic Atlas of Scotland (LAS) and the Survey of English Dialects (SED) which constitute the main results - and at the same time instruments - of linguistic geography in Scotland (the former) and England (the latter) both gathered the information for their surveys from farming communities. The informants were usually older than sixty, employed in farming and had lived in the same community all their lives. The questions one confronted them with, chiefly referred to the world of agriculture, with which they were familiar. The agricultural implements and processes they were asked about were usually rather simple and not the most modern, but had been central to farming for a long time. This was not only a nostalgic approach towards eliciting "the traditional types of vernacular English"1, but it also provided a stable and conservative background in order to gather comparable material from all parts of the country. If people from cities or from other occupations had been included, the variables would have increased, and social as well as occupational differences in speech would have mixed with regional differences.2 A comparison of the material aimed at eliciting regional varieties would have been quite impossible.

The study of regional dialects does not necessarily need to be confined to the world of agriculture. A background which resembles that of farming communities in its stability can also be provided by fishing communities. Fishing is - like farming - one of the oldest industries in Britain, in which words or sounds have had time to develop regionally marked differences.3 One of the most obvious reasons why fishermen cannot serve as informants for a linguistic survey which attempts to cover the whole of the country, however, is of a geographical nature. For fishermen do not live in the hinterland but only along the coast. Fishing has also been excluded from dialect surveys because it was considered to be too technical and not universal enough for a comprehensive study of regional dialects.4

In Britain, the potential for a study of fishermen's dialect all around the British coast was primarily discussed by Peter Wright, who developed a short questionnaire especially designed for fishing communities.5 This questionnaire concentrates on the traditional kind of fishing with small boats. The questions are mainly concerned with vocabulary. The names of parts of a small rowing-boat, fishing gear and techniques, natural features and phenomena, and names for different kinds of fish are asked. Questions about new methods in fishing and recent technical innovations are excluded as far as possible from the questionnaire. In concentrating on traditional fishing methods, this questionnaire not only offers the opportunity to gather comparable material from all around the coasts but also to collect words which have had time to develop regional differences. If questions about new things were included, the answers would probably be undifferentiated with no regional variations other than phonological.6

1.2. The Study of Fishermen's Dialect in Britain

            The most comprehensive and complete approach to a study of fishermen's dialect in Britain so far is Willy Elmer's survey of the English and Welsh coastline.7 He used the questionnaire which was designed by Peter Wright with a few additional questions for his fieldwork. The collected material was then presented on maps if the distribution of the answers revealed a certain pattern. Otherwise the answers from each informant were simply listed. Each question was treated as a unit with comments and notes sometimes following the map or the list of answers. Some phonological features like the variation of Received Pronunciation (RP) were also discussed, and a few isoglosses were established. The main body of work was devoted to the presentation of the lexical material, however. A discussion of the differences in local fishing boats and fishing gear was also included in the study. The informants were or had at some time all been fishermen and were mostly older than sixty. All together 111 localities were investigated, among them five Scottish villages. One informant usually represented one locality. The chosen villages were distributed evenly all around the coast with intervals of about ten miles in between.

Elmer's work offers an insight into the diversity of the sometimes very specialized vocabulary of fishermen as well as into the technical variations of traditional inshore fishing boats and fishing apparatus. The investigation into fishermen's language had still been a somewhat novel enterprise when Elmer conducted his study. Although it had been suggested before (cf. chapter 1.1), a thorough study with firsthand material which was collected through personal investigation and a questionnaire which would yield comparable material had never been carried out in an area as large as the whole English and Welsh coastline.

            A weakness, or rather disadvantage, in Elmer's study is the exclusion of the Scottish coastline. However, as has been mentioned in chapter 1.1, the suitability of fishermen's dialect for a study in linguistic geography has also been recognized in Scotland. Nevertheless, comprehensive research on fishermen's dialect including the collection of comparable material all around the Scottish coast similar to Elmer's work is missing up to now. The work which has been done so far is somewhat fragmentary and limited. It was ciefly carried out by Mather who contributed three essays to the study of fishermen's dialect.8 The material was collected in the course of his fieldwork on the LAS. His main intention was to point out the importance of a parallel study of extralinguistic aspects together with linguistic evidence.9 His first two essays were chiefly devoted to the cultural, historical, technical, and linguistic differences in traditional line fishing among the fishing communities of the Scottish east coast, and his third essay dealt exclusively with the terminology for various parts of the drift-net and the extralinguistic evidence of the traditional herring fishery on the Scottish east coast.

            The main result of his first two essays consists of the establishment of a north-south division along the Scottish east coast. This was based on the linguistic evidence of the dialect reflex of the original Old English (OE) vowel o¯ (e.g. the vowel sound in modern English boot)10 and extralinguistic evidence, such as various fishing techniques and the cultural background. Stonehaven marked the division between "south folk" and "north folk". Mather's third essay about the drift-net fishery resulted in the formation of the linguistic areas inner Moray Firth, outer Moray Firth (north and south), East Coast, and Firth of Forth (Fife and Berwickshire) based on the linguistic data (the terminology for parts of the drift-net) and reinforced by the extralinguistic data. The classification of the areas in his third essay - more complex than the rather simple north-south division in the two former essays - is largely due to the nature of the herring fishery. Whereas the first two essays were mainly concerned with traditional line fishing which provided a very conservative and stable background, the herring fishery involved the progress "away from the locality and from the conservatism which this seems to imply."11

Mather gave a fine example of how non-linguistic data can be related to the linguistic markers and thus reinforce the establishment of dialect areas. His linguistic material might have been limited (especially in his first two essays), but this was made up for by a very detailed study of the non-linguistic aspects involved.

A further example of the possibility of the treatment of language within a wider cultural scope has been given by Fenton. In his book about the Orkney and Shetland Isles,12 Fenton attempts to portray the links and interrelationships within the communities of the Northern Isles:

My approach in writing is to show the details of the amalgam, how the elements interlock in different ways and degrees. This involves looking at the functioning of the island communities in relation to the organisation of the land and the resources of the sea and the shore and the cliffs, for subsistence, rent and commerce.13

In Fenton's study of the Northern Isles the linguistic dimension is only of secondary importance. It finds its place within a detailed description of all the other aspects of life in the island communities.

This kind of approach would not be a convenient one if a survey of regional dialects within a larger area were the aim. As this is not intended in Fenton's study, however, and the emphasis lies rather on a comrehensive description of a very limited area, his approach is certainly justified and complete in its result.

1.3. Aims

The primary objective of this investigation is to provide an empirical basis for conclusions about the linguistic variety of fishermen on the south-east coast of Scotland, from Burnmouth to Gourdon.14 Hence, the major body of work is devoted to the presentation and discussion of collected linguistic material. Extralinguistic aspects like the historical, cultural, and economic features of the area focused on, as well as technical attributes of the boats and fishing gear used along the examined stretch of coastline, are doubtless of major importance, and the necessary attention is given to them before the linguistic data is presented.15 An attempt at establishing one or more dialect boundaries, based on the data set out in the course of this investigation, forms the conclusion of this study. The methodical principles which were applied to the collection of the linguistic data are discussed in detail below.


[1]              Orton, p.14.

[2]              The stable background and scientific simplicity, for which the rural and agicultural scene has been exploited in linguistic geography, are pointed out specifically by Mather (Mather 1978, p.60; cf. also Mather 1965, p. 130).

[3]              The fishing dialects have been recognized as useful potential sources for a study in regional dialects by various authors:

Wakelin talks of old and interesting words, characteristic of an earlier stratum of speech, that can be found in the fishing industry and that may have regional distributions (Wakelin 1977, p. 143).

Speitel and Mather stress the usefulness of both - farming and fishing dialects - for an initial study in linguistic geography, even if they are not representative of the majority of speakers: "Gewiß sind die bäuerlichen Mundarten und die Fischerdialekte nicht repräsentativ für die Mehrzahl der Sprecher in Schottland, von denen über die Hälfte in den großen Städten leben, aber sie zeigen eine große Vielseitigkeit, sind leichter zu überschauen und zu analysieren und deshalb für den Beginn eines Dialektunternehmens geeignet." (Mather/Speitel 1968, p.534).

The LAS refers to farming and fishing as traditional activities which have always been considered as high in distributional yield (Mather/Speitel 1975, p.3).

Wright points out the speech difference which is greatest among farmworkers, inshore fishermen, miners, and lower-paid industrial workers (Wright 1974, p.4).

[4]              Orton, p.44.

[5]              Wright 1964. The importance of the questionnaire in linguistic geography, and the fishing questionnaire from Wright in particular, which was also used with a few changes for the present study, will be discussed in detail in chapter 2.

[6]              Cf. Mather 1978, p. 61: "the history of new things in Scotland ... will tend to have an undifferentiated and standard vocabulary, at least in so far as we can predict these things without an adequate formal survey."

[7]              Elmer 1973.

[8]              Mather 1966, 1969 and 1972.

[9]              Mather continously stresses the importance of a parallel study of the thing along with the word (cf. Mather 1965, 1966, 1969, 1972, 1978).

   The necessity of taking extralinguistic factors into account when interpreting linguistic features has also been recognized by other linguists, such as Goltz who emphasizes the necessity of including "Volkskunde" into a linguistic study of fishermen's language (Goltz 1984, p.11); a further example for the possibility of relating extralinguistic evidence to the linguistic situation has been given by Fischer in: Fischer 1976.

[10]             From Fraserburgh to Stonehaven the vowel is /i:/, in a very small area from Catterline to Gourdon it is /Ü/, further south we have /e/ with the exception of the Berwickshire coast where we have /i:/ in Burnmouth and /i/ in Coldingham and St. Abbs (Mather 1969, pp. 5, 12-14). Cf. map 15 in appendix III.

[11]             Mather 1972, p.10.

[12]             Fenton 1978.

[13]             Ibid. p.V.

[14]             Cf. the following definition of the motive for linguisic geography: "the rationale for a discipline of dialect geography is disarmingly simple: it seeks to provide an empirical basis for conclusions about the linguistic variety that occurs in a certain locale." (Chambers/Trudgill 1980, p.24)

A map which shows the position of the fishing villages and towns which are included in this investigation can be found in appendix II.

The area which is covered by this study is largely identical with the part of the Scottish east coast which was labelled "south folk" by Mather (cf. chapter 1.2). It is also adjoining the area treated by Elmer (ibid.) whose survey is, on the whole, continued further north along the east coast. References to the investigations of both - Mather and Elmer - will be made in the course of this study where it is appropriate for understanding or interpreting the material.

[15]             Taking extralinguistic information into account has been regarded as a vital precondition for interpreting the linguistic markers - particularly by Mather (cf. chapter 1.2).


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